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Preying On The Taxpayer: The F-22A RaptorJuly 25, 2006 In June, the Senate authorized the government to purchase 20 F-22A Raptor fighter jets each year for 2008, 2009, and 2010 using a multiyear procurement (MYP) strategy. If Lockheed, the aircraft's manufacturer is able to secure MYP status, it would essentially lock the government into buying the 60 additional troubled F-22A's and minimize the possibility that the program could suffer further funding cuts. An MYP would also result in the American taxpayers paying Lockheed $1 billion more than they would under the normal annual procurement process.
Table of Contents Introduction
In June 2006, the Senate passed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 which authorized the government to purchase 20 F-22A1 Raptor fighter jets each year for 2008, 2009, and 2010 using a multiyear procurement (MYP) strategy. Lockheed Martin (Lockheed), the lead contractor on the F-22A program, lobbied aggressively to secure the MYP deal. If Lockheed is able to secure MYP status, it would essentially lock the government into buying 60 more of the troubled F-22A's and minimize the possibility that the program could suffer further funding cuts. An MYP would also result in the American taxpayers paying Lockheed $1 billion more than they would under the normal annual procurement process. (Appendix A)
In the lead up to the Senate vote and related budget debates in the House, the Congressional Research Service (CRS), Government Accountability Office (GAO), Congressional Budget Office (CBO), and Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA) were tasked with evaluating whether or not the F-22A program met the six legal requirements for an MYP strategy. In order for MYP status to be granted, a program must meet all six requirements. The CRS, GAO, and CBO all provide evidence that the F-22A program is not yet ripe for this type of financing scheme and that putting the F-22A into an MYP at this stage would be premature. Documents obtained by the Project On Government Oversight (POGO) show that even the Air Force raised significant questions as late as February 2006 about whether the F-22A would meet all the MYP requirements. (Appendix B, pages 17-18) Only one opinion, that of IDA, differed from the rest. IDA concluded that the government would save about 2.5% – totaling around $225 million to $235 million – by using the strategy. (Appendix C) In the hours leading up to the debate on the Pentagon budget bill, Lockheed's lobbyists and its Congressional supporters promoted the surprising finding of IDA, a federally funded non-profit institute that conducts research for the federal government. Lockheed sent an email to Senate offices claiming the IDA had found that the F-22A would meet all the requirements for an MYP. (Appendix D) This claim appears to be based on a misreading of the IDA report. What was not known at the time of the MYP vote was that IDA President Admiral Dennis C. Blair, USN (Ret.), is on the Board of Directors and a significant financial beneficiary of an F-22A subcontractor. As of July 5, 2006, Blair owned 1,787 shares of stock and 30,000 stock options in EDO Corporation, which manufactures essential suspension and release equipment for the F-22A. As a result, Blair himself stood to financially profit from a favorable MYP decision for the F-22A. (Appendix E)
In recent years, POGO has questioned the ability of Lockheed Martin to meet its goals for the troubled F-22 fighter jet program. Since its conception in 1986, the Air Force's F-22A Raptor fighter jet has been the focus of continued debate. The aircraft was originally intended to replace the aging F-15 fighter and create superiority in air-to-air combat operations. The F-22A, originally called the Advance Tactical Fighter (ATF), was designed to combat air threats posed by the Soviet Union. As the program took shape, the Kremlin fell and the air superiority threat from the Soviet Union vanished. With a diminishing air-to-air combat mission, the Air Force has assigned the F-22A new roles of air-to-ground combat and intelligence gathering. As a result, the aircraft continues to undergo modernization, and will for several more years. But even if the F-22A were already adequately designed for today's missions, the program has faced multiple set-backs, and continues to do so. Problems range from technical flaws (despite 20 years of research and development) to a cost that is higher per aircraft than any other in history, totaling over $65.4 billion dollars to date.2 The Air Force's original intent had been to acquire 750 aircraft for their inventory. Today, that number is 183.3 This drop in numbers is due primarily to the technical difficulties and repeated cost overruns in the program. The cost of the aircraft has tripled while, in response, the number of aircraft requested has decreased. In addition to an exorbitant cost-per-aircraft, the Pentagon recently completed a Follow-on Independent Test and Evaluation (FOT&E) on the F-22A's existing systems that found 75 unresolved deficiencies. (Appendix B) New problems that have cropped up include faulty cockpit actuators – which trapped a pilot in the jet, and he had to be rescued from his cockpit with chainsaws; uncommanded nose landing gear retractions, which recently caused an aircraft to fall on its main weapons bay doors – literally falling on its face; and concerns about the heat treatment of the booms, which may cause structural cracking. These problems have been reported to Congress by CRS, GAO, and even the Air Force. Problems have also been identified by the Pentagon's Director of Operational Test and Evaluation (DOT&E). According to CRS, the F-22A has historically experienced problems with the Avionics, Airframe, Engine, Cockpit Canopy, and Maintenance and Support Requirements. These problems do not incorporate the cost of Class A mishaps to the aircraft. (A Class A mishap is one that results in over $1 million dollars in damage.) The F-22A has had three Class A mishaps over the past two years. (Appendix G)
With this troubled history as a backdrop, on June 15, 2006, Lockheed Martin Vice President of Legislative Affairs Jack Overstreet sent an email to senior Senate staff members titled "Chambliss F-22 Multiyear Amendment." (Appendix D) In a shockingly transparent sign of how the nation's military industrial complex functions, the email contained a copy of Senator Saxby Chambliss'( R-GA) amendment, even though Senator Chambliss had not yet introduced it. The email requested, "PLEASE VOTE 'YES' ON THE PROPOSED CHAMBLISS AMENDMENT ON F-22 MULTIYEAR PROCUREMENT." The email further states that IDA found that the F-22A meets all six of the entrance criteria for MYP. The email contained multiple attachments, including the text of the amendment in normal legislative format, talking points, and fast fact sheets to which Senators could refer. The email, of course, did not include the evidence from CRS, GAO, CBO, DCAA, or even the Air Force, challenging the program's compliance with the legal requirements for MYP status. Lockheed's claim in its email that IDA concluded the F-22A meets all MYP requirements appears to have been based on a misinterpretation of the IDA report. IDA limited its analysis to only one requirement – that there be cost savings. However, IDA attached two unattributed documents at the end of its report that assert the F-22A meets all six requirements. Because the author of these documents is not clearly identified, the wrong impression appears to have been reached that they are IDA conclusions. In fact, however, these are Pentagon exhibits for the FY2007 President's Budget and not independent analyses by IDA. Shortly after Lockheed's email was sent, Senator Chambliss introduced the amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 to grant the F-22A multiyear procurement status. (Appendix F) Based on the timing of the email and its content, it appears that Lockheed Martin was involved in the process and likely drafted the amendment themselves. The amendment states that the F-22A program is in accordance with Section 2306(b) of Title 10 of the United States Code (USC), which sets forth the six legal requirements that must be met to qualify for MYP status.
Multiyear Procurement Requirements A multiyear procurement is, according to the Defense Acquisition University, a "method of competitively purchasing up to 5 years' requirements in one contract, which is funded annually as appropriations permit."4 But there are significant risks to using an MYP for procurement:
To mitigate these risks, the government established Title 10 U.S.C. §2306 (b),5 which sets forth six legal criteria that must be met for MYP status to be granted. The criteria are:
Evidence That The F-22A Program Is Not Ripe For MYP Status With the exception of IDA, the analysts tasked with evaluating the F-22A program for MYP status found, to varying degrees, that the program does not meet all of the requirements for MYP. This includes the Air Force itself. Requirement 1: That the use of such a contract will result in substantial savings of the total anticipated costs of carrying out the program through annual contracts. GAO –
CRS –
CBO –
IDA –
Requirement 2: That the minimum need for the property to be purchased is expected to remain substantially unchanged during the contemplated contract period in terms of production rate, procurement rate, and total quantities. GAO –
CRS –
Requirement 3: That there is a reasonable expectation that throughout the contemplated contract period the head of the agency will request funding for the contract at the level required to avoid contract cancellation. GAO –
CRS-
CBO –
Air Force –
Requirement 4: That there is a stable design for the property to be acquired and that the technical risks associated with such property are not excessive. GAO –
CRS – CRS has highlighted many problems over the years with the F-22A. Most recently, it has discussed difficulties with the Structures Retrofit Program (SRP), forward boom heat treatment, the canopy actuator, Air Recharge System (ARS), and the nose landing gear. These issues remain unsolved. The CRS stated that the Air Force has reported five technical problems currently being experienced in the F-22A program:
Air Force – The Air Force presentation provides evidence that the modernization of systems essential to the new mission of the F-22A has yet to be completed. The main concern is a new radar system, which is considered by the Air Force to be integral to the F-22A's ground-attack and intelligence gathering capabilities.8 The radar system is not even scheduled to be received by the Air Force until November 2006, and the software is not scheduled to be completed until 2010. The nature of this funding establishes the case that the F-22A is still receiving, and will continue to receive, essential upgrades that are still being developed and have yet to be tested. This ultimately affects the F-22A's ability to prove that the program complies with the "Stable Design" requirement. (Appendix B) Requirement 5: That the estimates of both the cost of the contract and the anticipated cost avoidance through the use of a multiyear contract are realistic. GAO –
CRS –
DCAA – A November 9, 2005, Defense Contract Audit Agency (DCAA) presentation9 concluded there is "Moderate to high risk ... [in] Cost Estimate Development" after discovering $141 million in unsupported, inaccurate, and defective data in Air Force F-22A cost estimates. (Appendix H) House Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security Chairman Christopher Shays – The Air Force has a history of not providing accurate cost estimates, and there is little reason to believe that it will be any more accurate for this round of procurement. For instance, five years ago, the House Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security was frustrated in getting accurate F-22A program cost estimates from the Air Force. The Subcommittee had tasked the GAO with reviewing the F-22A program's cost reduction plans. What the GAO found was a $7 billion variance between the Air Force's cost estimates and those made by the Office of the Secretary of Defense's Cost Analysis Improvement Group. On August 20, 2001, Subcommittee Chairman Chris Shays wrote to House Armed Services Chairman Duncan Hunter that, ". . . as you proceed with your deliberations on the pace and scope of the F-22A program, please be advised we can have little confidence in the accuracy of production cost estimates and less confidence in the legitimacy of projected production cost savings based on those estimates." (Appendix I) Requirement 6: In the case of a purchase by the Department of Defense, that the use of such a contract will promote the national security of the United States. At the end of the day, perhaps the most important question remains - why are we continuing to fund a Cold War-era weapon that was designed to counter the next-generation Soviet fighters that were never constructed? In fact, the GAO stated, "Based on our review, in our opinion, the DOD has not demonstrated the need or value for making further investments in the F-22A program." (Appendix A) While the final requirement of the law – that it promotes the national security of the United States – is a matter of judgment and is not quantifiable, the ballooning costs of this aircraft render it impossible to meet the Air Force's own stated requirements for 381 F-22A's "in order to meet the needs of the warfighter." If it is too expensive to buy enough aircraft to meet our national security needs, this certainly challenges the assumption that the final requirement has been met.
A Financial Conflict Of Interest? In early 2006, the Pentagon's Office of the Under Secretary of Defense, Acquisition, Technology and Logistics requested that a report be prepared by IDA. IDA is a federally funded research and development center (FFRDC) which has assisted the DOD since it was established in 1947 by Secretary of Defense James Forrestal.10 IDA states that it does not work for the private industry and that it takes "...great pride in the high caliber and timelessness of its analyses, which are produced in an atmosphere that encourages independent thinking and objective results."11 The report, "F-22 Multiyear Procurement Business Case Analysis," found that the F-22A program met all the criteria needed for the program to be purchased under a lucrative multiyear procurement (MYP) strategy. Admiral Dennis C. Blair, USN (Ret.), joined IDA in October 2002 and was promoted to President just one year later. Also in October 2002, Admiral Blair joined, and still sits on, the Board of Directors for defense contractor EDO Corporation, a subcontractor on the F-22A.12 According to EDO's website, EDO manufactures essential suspension and release equipment for the F-22A. The LAU-14/2 AMRAAM Vertical Eject Launcher is the component of the F-22A that carries and ejects the AIM-120C missiles.13 He currently controls 1,787 shares of stock and 30,000 stock options in EDO, worth well over half a million dollars if he chose to exercise those options. (Appendix E) As a subcontractor on the F-22A, EDO has a significant financial stake in a multiyear procurement for the F-22A program. According to an analysis by POGO, Lockheed Martin has awarded EDO with approximately $90 million in contracts for components for the F-22A, $68.4 million of which have been awarded since Admiral Blair joined EDO. An MYP can significantly impact the value of the company's stock over time as investors perceive that such a contract will provide stability of revenues. According to one report: "multi-year contracts substantially increase stock valuations due to investor perception of controlled risk."14 A National Defense University study on the Aircraft industry noted: "If the F-22 proceeds with production as expected, a multi-year contract would provide a needed financial boost to Lockheed-Martin."15 Admiral Blair became director of EDO the same month that he began working at IDA. He serves as Chairman of the Compensation Committee and is a member of the pension investment committee. As a member of the Board of Directors he is an essential figure in the structuring, direction, and overall success of EDO. IDA is a registered FFRDC and is considered a contractor of the Federal government. As a contractor, IDA does not fall under the same conflict of interest rules as federal employees. POGO contacted IDA to determine their conflict of interest policies, and received an email stating, "Due to the nature of our work at the Institute for Defense Analyses, we are unable to provide information about conflict of interest policies or forms. If you are seeking general information about IDA, please visit our website at www.ida.org." (Appendix E) After further research, POGO discovered that FFRDCs such as IDA have enjoyed the credibility of being regarded as an arm of the government, yet they are not subject to any such legal restrictions. It is important to emphasize that POGO is in no way suggesting that Admiral Blair has violated any laws or regulations. There is a disconnect between the perception that FFRDCs have to comply with conflict of interest laws and the reality. This problem is worth Congress' further attention. While this is perfectly legal, it raises many ethical concerns. IDA's report has been cited by Lockheed Martin, multiple Senators, and the Air Force as the primary evidence that the MYP of the F-22A will save the American taxpayer millions of dollars. On the floor of the Senate, many Senators claimed that the information provided by IDA was more accurate than that provided by the GAO.16 IDA's report, in fact, was the pivotal document upon which MYP status for the F-22A was granted by the Senate.
Cancellation Costs – How To Buy A Lemon The decision last year by Congress to fully fund the C-130J multiyear procurement offers a relevant lesson for the current debate on the F-22A – that is a lesson on how the Air Force is forcing the American taxpayer to buy its lemons. Having succeeded in misleading Congress on the C-130J deal, the Air Force and Lockheed Martin are putting the same playbook into action on the F-22A. One of those plays is to lock the American taxpayer into buying the Air Force's pet projects, then create the impression that cancellation is impossible. The C-130J is such a failure that the DOD sought its termination under Program Budget Decision 753, against the wishes of the Air Force. In 2005, although POGO released a copy of the C-130J contract showing a cancellation ceiling of $440 million, the Air Force misinformed the Secretary of Defense and Congress, stating that it would cost $1.78 billion to cancel the contract.17 In June 2006, The Pentagon IG (DOD IG) issued a report confirming that $440 million was the most it would cost to cancel the contract, noting: "By definition, a contract cancellation ceiling represents the Government's maximum liability."18 As a result of the Air Force's misleading claims about the C-130J, the American taxpayer is now locked into paying an additional $4 billion on an aircraft that cannot even be taken into combat. Indeed, as the New York Times reported last year, the C-130J's primary use appears to be that it creates added justification to keep certain U.S. military bases open (because the C-130J must be deployed domestically), helping Members of Congress who are fighting base closures.19 As the DOD IG noted in a June 2006 report, "... ten years after the first award in 1995, the contractor was still delivering non-compliant aircraft."20 As with the F-22A, the DOD IG report on the C-130J found that the Air Force failed to request cancellation funds – as is required under multiyear procurement rules – and then issued inaccurate cancellation estimates:
Of course, requesting the cancellation costs from Congress would require an accurate, publicly available figure subject to review and debate. So far, the Air Force has not provided such a figure for its proposed F-22A multiyear procurement, which could lead to the same exaggerated cancellation estimates as the C-130J if the F-22A program faces trouble. Indeed, as recently as February 2006, a Power Point presentation from the Air Force showed that its plan was to get a special waiver from the Office of the Secretary of Defense that would allow the Air Force to fund cancellation costs outside the contract: "Termination liability and contract cancellation covered by Air Force outside F-22 budget authority. ... Need OSD(C) waiver to allow termination liability/cancellation ceiling to be an unfunded contingent liability." (Appendix B, page 18) In March 2006 Congressional testimony, the CBO described how cancellation of a multiyear procurement would put the government and the taxpayer at greater risk if funds were not set aside:
The CBO further stated, "On the basis of cancellation liabilities for other multiyear programs, that amount could be between 5 percent and 15 percent of contract costs. ... According to the Air Force, the 60 airplanes would cost about $10.5 billion in total." As a result, cancellation costs could reach as much as $1.6 billion if it follows the pattern set by other multiyear procurements.23
In conclusion, it is clear that independent congressional analysts have significant concerns with accepting the F-22A program as a candidate for multiyear procurement. Based on its own research, POGO does not believe the F-22A program meets multiyear procurement requirements, and recommends that Congress strike language authorizing the MYP until such time that the program meets those requirements.
1. POGO recommends that the language authorizing multiyear procurement of the F-22A be struck immediately, to be reconsidered only when the program can more thoroughly justify its capabilities to fulfill the requirements of an MYP contractual agreement. 2. Define "substantial savings" in Requirement 1 of Title 10 U.S.C. Section 2306(b). POGO further recommends that substantial savings be defined as 10%, as has been done in the past. Establishing 10% as a permanent definition for substantial savings will provide a reasonable measure of accountability rather than leaving the standard open to interpretation. 3. Require an independent analysis of cancellation costs for the F-22A and all proposed multiyear procurements, and that those analyses be provided to Congress before it approves an MYP. Furthermore, the Pentagon should be required to request funding to cover those cancellation costs in the event the program is terminated. 4. Apply federal conflict of interest laws to federally funded research and development centers. These organizations are fully funded by the federal government and should be required to meet the same ethics standards as federal agencies.
Appendix A: June 26, 2006, Letter to The Honorable C.W. Bill Young, Chairman, House Subcommittee on Defense, Committee on Appropriations from David M. Walker, Comptroller General of the United States Government Accountability Office (GAO-06-455R). Appendix B: February 16, 2006, F-22 OIPT [Overarching Integrated Product Team] Brief (Selected Slides), Maj. General Rick Lewis, United States Air Force. Appendix C: "F-22A Multiyear Procurement Business Case Analyses" (IDA Paper P-4116), Institute for Defense Analyses. Appendix D: June 15, 2006, Email to Selected Senate Staff Members from Jack Overstreet, Vice President, Legislative Affairs, Aviation Systems, Lockheed Martin Corporation. Appendix E: Background on EDO Corporation and Admiral Dennis Blair (Ret.), President, Institute for Defense Analyses. Appendix F: June 22, 2006, Congressional Record, Senate Debate on Senator Saxby Chambliss' Amendment (Amendment 4261) to Authorize Multiyear Procurement of the F-22A. Appendix G: Selected documents from Christopher Bolkcom, Specialist in National Defense, Congressional Research Service. Appendix H: November 9, 2005, Selected Excerpts from: "Gaining an Understanding of Estimating Systems and Controls" by Larry Chanay, Defense Contract Audit Agency. Appendix I: August 20, 2001, Letter to The Honorable Duncan Hunter, Chairman, Committee on Armed Services from The Honorable Christopher Shays, Chairman, Sub committee on National Security, Veterans Affairs and International Relations.
1. The Air Force changed the designation of the F/A-22 to F-22A in 2005. 2. "F-22A Raptor," Congressional Research Service, RL31673, Page 4, May 24, 2006, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/RL31673.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006); "Defense Acquisitions: Actions Needed to Get Better Results on Weapons Systems Investment," GAO Written Testimony before House Armed Services Committee, GAO-06-585T, April 5, 2006, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d06585t.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 3. "F-22A Raptor." 4. "Glossary of Defense Acquisition Acronyms & Terms," Defense Acquisition University, 12th Edition, July 2005, http://www.dau.mil/pubs/glossary/12th_Glossary_2005.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 5. 10 U.S.C. § 2306 (b), http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=browse_usc&docid=Cite:+10USC2306(b) (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 6. Statement of Donald B. Marron, "The Air Force's Proposal for Procuring F-22 Fighters," Congressional Budget Office, March 28, 2006, http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/71xx/doc7104/03-28-F-22.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006).
8. POGO realizes that the F-22A modernization plan is considered a separate program from the MYP. However, the radar system is integral to the capacity of the aircraft to meet its mission, and therefore is relevant to the stability of design for the aircraft. 9. The Defense Contract Audit Agency is the Pentagon's audit agency. 10. "About IDA," Institute for Defense Analyses, 2005, http://www.ida.org/IDAnew/Welcome/history.html (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 11. Ibid. 12. "Admiral Dennis C. Blair and James Roth Join Board of Directors of EDO Corporation," EDO Corporation Press Release, October 1, 2002, http://www.edocorp.com/pr2002/02r1001_2.htm (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 13. "Corporate Overview," EDO Corporation, http://www.edocorp.com/CorporateOverview.htm (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 14. McAleese, James, "Defense Industry Models Must Change to Draw New Investors," National Defense, June 2001, http://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/issues/2001/Jun/Defense_Industry.htm (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 15. "Aircraft," Industrial College of the Armed Forces, Industry Studies Program, http://www.ndu.edu/icaf/industry/IS2001/aircraft.htm (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 16. Congressional Record, June 22, 2006, http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getpage.cgi?dbname=2006_record&page=S6338&position=all (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 17. "Letter from Project On Government Oversight and Taxpayers for Common Sense to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld," February 24, 2005, http://www.pogoarchives.org/m/cp/cp-Rumsfeld-C130J-02242005.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 18. "Contracting and Funding for the C-130J Aircraft Program," Department of Defense Inspector General, June 21, 2006, http://www.dodig.osd.mil/Audit/reports/FY06/06-093.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 19. Wayne, Leslie, "The Flawed Plane Congress Loves," New York Times, March 24, 2005. 20. "Contracting and Funding for the C-130J Aircraft Program," Department of Defense Inspector General, June 21, 2006, http://www.dodig.osd.mil/Audit/reports/FY06/06-093.pdf (Downloaded July 24, 2006). 21. Ibid. 22. Statement of Donald B. Marron, "The Air Force's Proposal for Procuring F-22 Fighters," Congressional Budget Office, March 28, 2006. 23. Marron statement, pg 7.
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